University professor Dr Pirouz Mojtahedzadeh is of the view that Iran should steer clear of any intransigence in the face of international pressure to open up to snap inspections of its nuclear facilities. Tehran, accused by Washington of secretly seeking to develop atomic weapons, said it would go ahead with talks with the UN nuclear watchdog on a protocol permitting snap, short-notice inspections of its facilities.

Mojtahedzadeh, also director of a London-based Eurosevic think tank, maintains that the resolution passed by the International Atomic Energy Agency proved submission of the nuclear body to US and Israeli propaganda campaign. The Petroenergy Information Network here offers an interview it conducted with the university professor. Q: What is your assessment of the IAEA resolution against the Islamic Republic? A: From the very beginning, we must have known that both the IAEA Board of Governors and even the European Union which drafted the strongly-worded resolution had succumbed to US-Israeli adventurism and the political propaganda campaign the duo have waged against Iran. So, Iran should have been much warier not to reach this point. Q: Your comments imply that the IAEA governing board failed to present their technical and independent view. Is that true? A: I do not mean that the IAEA governing board is submissive to the US government. But US-Israeli propaganda campaign anchored all bodies in improper conditions ending in the resolution. Q: What do you think of the legal grounds of the resolution? A: The decision has no legal complexity but replete with political and diplomatic complications. The resolution was insolent and upset Iran. Of course, we should not forget the fact that interview with experts, chanting mere slogans and denunciation would accomplish nothing. Iran is locked in difficult conditions and an advanced and skilled diplomacy is required to settle the mounting row. Our verbal condemnation would get nowhere. Q: You did not specify if the resolution incorporates legal faults? A: I propose you not to canvass any expert -- even legal experts -- on the legal dimensions of the resolution. You should refer to the Legal Department of the Foreign Ministry. The ministry is tasked with scrutinizing the IAEA resolution. Q: Would you please tell us more? A: The relevant authorities who find "reasonable" and not "sloganeering" faults with the text of the resolution can resolve the case through international and not domestic diplomatic and legal channels. Q: Iran has up to October 31 to prove that it is not making any nuclear bombs. What mechanism do you think Iran should work out before the deadline runs out? A: We should do what we should have done in the past. We should not have looked into the issue as a national affair, nor should have we politicized the case. We should not have construed the issue as damage to our national independence. We should have understood that the apparently technical issue lies within the framework of gigantic US-Israeli propaganda campaign. We should have found out that the IAEA and notably its governing board was steamrollered into bowing to the United States and Israel. We should not have reacted forcefully and we had to rebut their allegations to set the stage for forceful methods. Had we disproved their allegations and proved our peacefulness, we could have given them a strong response. But Iran responded emotionally and not reasonably. When the additional protocol (to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty) came up, I restated that it was part of the propaganda campaign. I recommended the authorities to sign the additional protocol to prove that we had nothing to hide from the world. Q: Anyhow, how can Iran cope with the festering crisis it faces now? A: We should swallow our pride and deal with the perilous propaganda war without any stubbornness. In my view, we should sign the additional protocol to prove that we are impeccable. Q: What do you recommend? A: Firstly, Iran should keep away from any emotional response. Secondly, we should not nationalize the affair. Thirdly, we should not politicize the issue and fourthly we should say that we are ready to sign the additional protocol on condition that the world understands the fact that the United States and Israel have leveled groundless charges against our country. Q: Do you think that signature of the additional protocol would help Iran creep out of the crisis? A: No, we are locked in a pervasive propaganda campaign and we should not think out our signature or rejection of the protocol would settle the spat. Our refusal to sign the protocol would aggravate the situation and Iran would come under heavier pressure. If we sign the protocol we can avoid the conditions from worsening but the propaganda campaign would not subside. Anyhow, we have to pass this stage otherwise we would commit a blunder. That is when we can tell the United Nations Security Council that the IAEA has drafted an insolent resolution against Iran under US and Israeli pressures. Then we can ask the Security Council to launch a probe into the working of the nuclear agency. We can prove that the United States and Israeli imperil the global security. Q: Do you have any other suggestion to help us succeed in this way? A: I ask the government and the nation to understand that we are locked in widespread propaganda campaign. I reiterate that Iran should not nationalize and politicize the affair to strip us of any decision-making. Our country is democratic but we should not nationalize a technical issue because nationalization of the affair would draw emotional slogans and it would only put spoke into the wheels of the government for making a proper decision. Q: Thank you for the interview. A: My pleasure and good luck.
News ID 4932

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